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Update 9 (July 2006)

European Party Families and Domestic Politics

The impact of European integration on domestic politics and the extent to which membership of the EU has changed political parties are of great interest to academics. So far, anyway, it seems much easier to demonstrate the former rather than the latter: national parties may incorporate pro- or anti-EU positions into their discourse, but they don’t as yet seem to have adapted organisationally to the era of multilevel governance (see Chapter 3); for the most part, for instance, MEPs are trusted to get on with things without constant supervision (and even much interest) on the part of ‘HQ’.

Just occasionally, however, events conspire to put the spotlight on the relationship between the party back home and its representatives in Brussels and Strasbourg (where the European Parliament - much to the frustration of many - also meets). Sometimes this is because there is an obvious and potentially embarrassing disconnect between what the party argues at national level and how its MEPs cast their votes. This occurs because most parties, and therefore most MEPs, agree to join similar parties from other countries in transnational political groups organised around the ‘party families’ that are such an important concept for the study of comparative politics (see Chapter 5). Operating outside these political groups is by no means impossible but, since they control access to committee and other appointments, it does make life harder - so much so, that only the most hardy independents and/or most fringe members plump for that option.

But, as in the real world, families aren’t always what they are cracked up to be: some are more close-knit, cooperative and inclusive than others. Inclusivity, indeed, has been a hot topic in recent years because of the enlargement of the EU. Being offered membership of a political group and/or one of the transnational party federations (which exist above and beyond the EP) is often touted as a badge of legitimacy on the national level - proof, apparently, that a party is taken seriously and is seen as respectable in the outside world and therefore should be treated as such at home. Denying or threatening to deprive a party of membership is also one subtle way of ‘Europe’ exerting pressure on member states that look as if they are acting contrary to what are asserted to be common values: the reaction, in July 2006, of socialists in the EP to one of their member parties going into government with extremists is a case in point

Conversely, as in the real world, some family members want to break free. But, as in the real world once again, they don’t find it as easy as they first thought. The British Conservatives, who have long had problems over ‘Europe’ are a good example. David Cameron, during his successful campaign for the Tory leadership, made what some saw as rather a rash promise to the party’s Eurosceptic wing that, if elected, he would end the association between its MEPs and the centre-right (and apparently ‘federalist’) European People’s Party (EPP) group in the European Parliament. Whatever the pros and cons of such a move, Mr Cameron soon ran into opposition (and threats of an embarrassing split) on the part of many of his MEPs, who saw no need to end the already loose arrangement previous leaders had negotiated with the EPP. Just as problematic was the requirement that any new group that the Conservatives set up would require MEPs from at least four other countries: it soon became obvious that, with one or two possible exceptions, the only parties likely to leave their current groups were not the mainstream, Atlanticist, free-marketeers Mr Cameron wanted but were instead outfits that the press back home would have no trouble branding extremists.

Much to the chagrin of some in the party, who saw the issue as one of integrity and trust, Mr Cameron - probably wisely given the almost complete lack of interest in the whole thing on the part of the electorate - decided that discretion was the better part of valour. With news programmes preoccupied with the crisis in Lebanon abroad and corruption allegations against the Labour government at home, he announced that the Conservatives would indeed end their association with the EPP and, along with the Czech conservatives, form a new group - but not until after EP elections in 2009.

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