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 The
Contemporary
British Politics website
Chapter
summaries Note: Full tables of contents listing all subheadings, figures, tables and boxes, together with an index, are provided in Coxall (2003). The following notes are not intended to duplicate this information, but to give provide brief summaries of the main points and arguments presented in each chapter. It is hoped that readers will find them useful. However, inevitably such summaries involve considerable selection and simplification from the discussion in the main text, to which reference should be made if extra clarification is sought. Chapter 1 Politics, Democracy and Power
In a democracy, power is supposedly held by the people, or the majority of the people. Modern democracies involve rule by elected representatives of the people rather than the people themselves - in effect a free choice of candidates in a fair election. In Britain and other representative democracies it is debateable how far the vote gives people real effective power. There are competing theories (or models) concerning the distribution of power in practice in Britain and other societies. Pluralists argue that power is widely dispersed, elitists that it is concentrated in the hands of the few. Marxists maintain that political power reflects economic power - those who own and control the means of production rule the state and society. A focus on British politics implies that power is largely exercised within the British state. While this may still be largely true, British government and politics is increasingly influenced by international governmental and non-governmental organisations, as well as the European Union. Moreover, within Britain power is exercised at levels below the UK government and Westminster Parliament - by devolved Parliaments and Assemblies in Scotland, Wales and (fitfully) Northern Ireland, as well as by local councils, and even institutions. Multi-level governance is a term now widely used to describe the multiple levels of government and politics affecting the people of Britain. The British system of government is in the midst of change. The final outcome of ongoing constitutional reform is unclear. Among a range of possibilities is the break-up of Britain.
Chapter 2 Economy, Society and Politics National consciousness and allegiance is high in Scotland and Wales, and intense but divided in Northern Ireland. Regional consciousness is generally low within England, with some exceptions. These felt identities have considerable significance for politics. British people can be distinguished not only by where they live, but by their ethnic origins, their religious convictions, their gender, age, and, most contentiously, their occupational or social class. Each of these divisions may have implications for the sense of identity and allegiance of individual citizens and for politics. The nature and extent of disparities in income and wealth in Britain is contentious. It appeared that the British economy and society was becoming more equal in the decades after the Second World War. More recently inequality seems to have grown. The significance of economic inequality for political power is also a controversial question. Yet it is clear that the relative importance of particular economic and social divisions for British politics can change markedly over time. British society and political culture continues to evolve. National, ethnic and religious differences are now more important than they were at the end of the Second World War, while class differences, although still significant, no longer seem the preponderant factor in British politics as they once appeared.
Chapter 3 The Historical Context: British Politics Since 1945 A time dimension is crucial for an understanding of British politics, which continues to be influenced and constrained by Britain’s past. The historical background since 1945 in particular has shaped and constrained contemporary British government and politics Britain’s role in the post-war world was shaped by three main factors: firstly, the legacy of empire, and the transition of the former British empire to a Commonwealth of independent states, secondly, Britain’s ‘special relationship’ with the United States of America, and thirdly, Britain’s increasing (and still contentious) involvement with what has become the European Union. Domestically the most important development has been the establishment and maintenance of a welfare state, the cost of which has been an increasing burden on an ‘under performing economy’ which has grown more slowly than the economies of Britain’s trading partners and rivals. In the period from 1945 until the 1970s there was a broad political consensus (or agreement) in Britain over economic policy (a mixed economy with Keynesian demand management), social welfare policy and foreign policy. This consensus broke down in the 1970s and 1980s, following intensifying economic difficulties. The Conservative Party under Thatcher espoused the free market at home and national interests abroad, while Labour moved to the left to support more nationalisation and nuclear disarmament (as well as, in 1983 withdrawal from the European Community). Labour rebels formed the SDP and combined with the Liberals to offer a centrist and pro-European alternative. Following the resignation of Mrs Thatcher in 1990, the Conservatives have struggled to recover their popular support, while Labour was progressively transformed by its leaders Kinnock, Smith and Blair to enable it to compete successfully for the middle ground of British politics. By the end of the 20th century the ideological conflict of the 1980s seemed to have been replaced by a new ‘Blairite’ or New Labour consensus, although Blair’s ‘Third Way’ has been very variously interpreted. While the Blair government has proceeded cautiously on economic and social policy, and has accepted much of the Conservative market agenda, it has pursued a radical and contentious programme of constitutional reform. Although Labour is now more positive about the European Union than the Conservatives – a reversal of the position twenty years ago, they have delayed a decision on adopting the European single currency (the Euro). Moreover, Blair has re-emphasised Britain’s ‘special relationship’ with the USA, reviving suspicions of Britain’s European credentials. Of the three factors influencing British foreign policy in early post war period, the Commonwealth is perhaps of diminishing significance, but the tension between the American alliance and full engagement with Europe remains a major policy dilemma at the beginning of the new millennium. Political ideologies provide interpretations of the world as it is, ideals or prescriptions for the future, and strategies for achieving them. Ideologies may be expressed at various levels – by thinkers, popularisers, practising politicians and their parties, the media and the public. The precise form of major ideologies over time and place, as circumstances and interests change. In Britain the mainstream ideologies of liberalism, conservatism and socialism may be loosely linked with three major political parties, Liberal Democrat, Conservative and Labour. Yet the relationship between the record of these parties and the ideologies with which they are commonly linked is contentious. Thus aspects of liberalism have influenced all three parties, while modern liberalism is very variously interpreted. Similarly, recent Conservative governments have been accused by critics of abandoning true conservatism, while the relationship between the Labour Party and socialism has long been disputed. Both British conservatism and British socialism (or ‘labourism’) have evolved and changed since the Second World War. ‘Thatcherism’ involved a marked shift from the earlier ‘One Nation’ Conservatism, while there was a similar change from old Labour to ‘New Labour’ under Blair. Yet the extent of the transformation in both parties can be exaggerated, while much of the change which has occurred reflects changes in Britain and the wider world. Forms of other ideologies, such as nationalism, racism, feminism and environmentalism have increasingly influenced the political thinking of many British citizens. Thus some prioritise the interests of their nation, ethnic or religious group, or gender, over the old politics associated with class interests, while Greens reject any link with specific human interests in favour of concern for the global environment. These ideologies have growing but variable implications for British political behaviour, sometimes involving the rejection of mainstream political activities and institutions.
Political participation is central to democracy. The apparently increasing political apathy in Britain has caused concern, although there are arguments about the type and levels of participation needed for a healthy democracy. Voting in elections is the most basic form of political participation. Turnout in UK General Elections has declined markedly over time, while turnout levels have generally been much lower in local elections, European elections and elections for devolved parliaments and assemblies. Membership of, and active involvement in, political parties has declined steeply since the Second World War to the extent that even the largest British parties are no longer mass parties. Political activists are a tiny minority of the population. The decline in political participation in Britain broadly matches trends elsewhere, and may reflect a more general decline in social interaction (or what Putnam has called ‘social capital’) in the modern western world. Various reforms have been proposed and introduced on a trial basis to improve electoral turnout, including making voting easier (e.g. through more postal voting, telephone voting, or internet voting) and reforming the electoral system. Other forms of citizen participation (e.g. involving focus groups or citizens’ juries) have also been tried. Some argue that the old politics of elections and parties is challenged by new forms of political involvement outside the mainstream, such as the Anti-Poll Tax movement, anti-roads protests, the Countryside Alliance, the fuel protests of September 2000, and the anti-war demonstrations of 2003. Political participation is closely linked with the contested concept of citizenship, and the rights and obligations of citizens. One major concern is social exclusion - the extent to which some of all those living in the United Kingdom feel excluded from mainstream British politics and society. Chapter 6 Electoral Systems and Electoral Reform Elections offer citizens a choice of candidates, parties and policies. They help resolve conflict in a non-violent way and facilitate a peaceful transfer of power. They effectively legitimise government and the existing political order, particularly if the electoral process is perceived to be free and fair. In Britain the party which wins the most votes normally (but not always) forms the government. However the ‘First-Past-the-Post’ electoral system involves a disproportionate relationship between votes cast for parties in elections and seats won by party candidates. Governments with large parliamentary majorities have been elected on a minority of the popular vote (in recent elections 42-43% of the total vote). Many representatives are elected on a minority of the vote in their own electoral area. Critics argue the system is unfair. Reformers advocate a range of different systems already used in other countries. The Alternative Vote ensures that representatives are elected on a majority of the popular vote in each electoral area (or constituency) but does not ensure the proportional representation of parties. National or regional party list systems and the Single Transferable Vote can offer results close to proportional representation while weakening the link between representatives and their constituency. The Additional Member system involves a compromise system where voters have two votes – one for their local constituency and one for additional members elected on a regional party list. The results can be close to proportional, depending on the proportion of additional members elected. In Britain some electoral reform has already taken place. Elections for the European Parliament are on a regional list system similar to that used elsewhere in the EU. The Single Transferable Vote has been used in Northern Ireland. Elections for the new devolved Parliament in Scotland and for the Welsh Assembly are conducted under the Additional Member system. Yet electoral reform has yet to affect UK General Elections or local elections, which still operate under First-Past-the-Post. Thus a confusing range of electoral systems are now used. Referendums have been increasingly employed and advocated in Britain, nationally and locally, although their use remains contentious. Over the period since the Second World War there has been a declining attachment of voters to political parties, and an increase in the volatility of voting behaviour – more people seem to be prepared to change their vote between one and election and the next.. Although class still correlates significantly with party support, the link between voting and occupational class has declined. The north-south divide, however, remains a characteristic of British electoral politics. Among other social characteristics which can be correlated with voting, the gender difference in support for parties seems to have virtually disappeared – women are no longer seem more likely to support the Conservatives. Age, however is still significant. Support for Labour is progressively lower in higher age groups. Ethnicity is an increasingly important factor, and most ethnic minorities are preponderantly Labour. The image of parties and particularly of party leaders can significantly affect voting behaviour. The poor image and reputation of the Labour Party and lack of public confidence in its leaders made it unelectable in the 1980s. Labour’s transformation and the Blair effect, coupled with association of the Conservatives with division and ‘sleaze’ assisted the turn round in party fortunes in 1997, confirmed in 2001. There is some evidence of increased voting on policy issues – particularly on the handling of the economy. The change in party fortunes in 1997 and 2001 can be partly explained in terms of the Conservative Party losing its reputation for economic competence, combined with Labour reassurance and prudence on taxing and spending. Despite the increased volatility of the electorate, the 2001 election resulted in very little change in voting preferences and party representation compared with 1997. The most significant difference was the marked drop in turnout from 71% to 59%, a decline in electoral participation which has provoked much concern. Parties perform vital functions in representative democracies. They recruit and train people for elected office, they aggregate and help reconcile different interests within the community. They offer further opportunities for participation in politics, and two-way channels of communication between government and people They develop and articulate policies and offer the voters a choice between rival teams of politicians and programmes. Because government is effectively party government, they enable the public to identify responsibility and hold those responsible accountable and reward success and punish failure. Britain has been historically characterised as a two-party system, with single-party government. This is a reasonable description in terms of the control of government at UK level at least since 1945, and until recently two major parties have won nearly all the seats in the House of Commons. However the proportion of the vote given to the two major parties has steadily declined since 1951, and the continued dominance of two major parties at Westminster is substantially the First-Past-the-Post electoral system. Even under this system the Liberal Democrats have become a significant third force at Westminster, while new electoral systems in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland have produced multi-party systems. The older British parties originated at Westminster and acquired a mass membership subsequently. The Labour Party was established outside Westminster, largely by the trade unions. The party in parliament was supposed to serve the Labour movement nationally, not the other way round. This still colours different party attitudes to leadership and internal democracy, although in practice the major parties operate in much the same way, despite historical and constitutional differences, with power focusing on the leadership. In all major parties the mass membership is now involved in the election of leaders, although in different ways. In practice Labour leaders seem to enjoy more security of tenure than Conservative leaders, despite the greater apparent deference to leadership in the Conservative Party. All parties have suffered a significant decline in membership and activism since 1945. In effect they are no longer mass parties, although their organisation assumes they have an active mass membership. A problem for leaders is that they have to satisfy two very different audiences – the dwindling number of party activists, and the wider electorate. Parties require a large income to function effectively, and the dwindling mass membership has increased the problems of party finance. Dependence on donations from major businesses and unions, as well as wealthy individuals have led to accusations that influence can be bought. Reforms to provide more transparency have aggravated rather than allayed suspicions of the purchase of influence. One possibility is state funding for parties – although this is perceived to be unpopular. Pressure groups normally seek influence on the policy process and on policy implementation, rather than seeking formal positions of power in parliament or government. Yet some groups may wield considerable power behind the scenes. Sectional (or interest) groups aim to defend the interests of particular section of society, while cause groups seek to promote a particular cause. Another common distinction is between insider and outsider groups. Insider groups are recognised and consulted on a regular basis by government, and their advice is valued. Outsider groups either do not seek or are denied government consultation and recognition. The influence of certain groups at different periods have also been affected by prevailing ideology. Thus trade unions were increasingly incorporated into the policy process, along with business interests from the First World War through to 1979, when the Thatcher Government rejected corporatism and sought to reduce trade union power and influence. In the late 20th and early 21st centuries new social movements have emerged, such as the women’s movement, the peace movement, the green movement and the opposition to global capitalism. While these have been associated with the left of the political spectrum, the Countryside Alliance and the September 2000 fuel protests have enjoyed considerable support on the right. These new political movements commonly combine loose organisation with innovative tactics, including direct action, which often appear to bypass traditional methods of seeking political influence. The theory and practice of pressure groups has important implications for different perspectives on power and democracy. Some still see pressure groups as hidden persuaders, pursuing their own partial interests, interfering with market forces, and bypassing parliament, while others view pressure group activity as a vital part of democracy. For pluralists the involvement of countless groups in the policy process confirms their assumptions of the dispersal of power and of popular influence of government. Elitist theorists suggest a systematic bias in favour of particular groups and interests, particularly business interests.
The mass media are amongst the most powerful political interests in modern society, although there is disagreement about the nature and extent of their influence. A free and diverse media are seen as critical element of a functioning democracy. However, critics suggest that the increased concentration of media ownership involves a systematic bias in favour of established interests and opinions. Although the electronic media in the UK are constrained by law to show political balance and are more trusted by the general population, the national press is fiercely partisan. Moreover television is inevitably influenced by the agenda set by the press. There is some evidence that newspapers can influence political behaviour such as voting. The preponderantly anti-Labour press in 1992 may have helped John Major’s Conservative Party to win, against expectations. The switch in support by the Sun in 1997, and a more generally favourable press may have swelled Labour’s landslide majority. A particular concern is the ‘dumbing down’ or trivialisation of politics in the mass media, with declining coverage of parliament, foreign affairs and serious policy analysis, and more emphasis on personalities and scandals. This approach to politics has been particular evident in the tabloids, but critics argue it has spread to the broadsheets and television, an may be partly to blame for perceived low levels of public knowledge and interest in politics.
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