Contemporary British Politics 4th Edition
By Bill Coxall, Lynton Robins, Robert Leach

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Devolved Governance: The Scottish Parliament and Welsh Assembly Elections of May 2003 and Developments in the English Regions
by Robert Leach

The second set of elections for the Scottish Parliament and Welsh Assembly took place on May 1^st 2003 (see Coxall, 2003 pp93-6 for discussion of the Additional Member System used, and pages 298-301 for analysis of the results and implications of the 1999 elections for Scottish and Welsh politics and government). In Scotland the 2003 elections indicated a further fragmentation of the Scottish party system, marking a setback for Labour and the Scottish Nationalists, although confirming the continuation of the Labour-Liberal Democrat coalition government, but with a smaller overall majority. In Wales the nationalists similarly suffered a setback to Labour's benefit, allowing the party under Rhodri Morgan to govern alone without the Liberal Democrats.

 

The Results in Scotland 

Party		Share of constituency vote	Constituency seats	Share of regional list votes	Regional top-up seats	Total (1999 in brackets)
Labour		34.6%	46	29.3%	4	50 (56)
SNP		23.8%	10	20.9%	17	27 (35)
Conservative		16.6%	3	15.5%	15	18 (18)
Liberal Democrat		15.4%	13	11.8%	4	17 (17)
Green		0.0%	-	6.9%	7	7 (1)
Scottish Socialist		6.2%	-	6.7%	6	6 (1)
Independent		1.5%	2	2.9%	2	4 (1)

(Table derived from information in Scottish Parliament website and The Guardian, May 3, 2003

Labour lost six seats compared with 1999 (see Coxall, 2003, Table 17.3, p298)., but once more won a clear majority of constituency seats (46 out of 74), but only four of the 55 regional top-up seats. Labour lost ground partly perhaps because of unhappiness in Scotland with some aspects of the UK Labour Government under Blair, partly because of some disillusion with the record to date of devolved government, and partly because of internal problems within the Labour Party in Scotland. It may be noted however that had the elections been based on the first-past-the-post system used for UK General Elections, Labour would have been returned with an overall majority, once more underlining the implications of electoral reform for party representation and government.

 

The SNP, the second largest party, was unable to profit from Labour's reduced representation, losing eight seats. Those who hoped or feared that devolution would prove a slippery slope to independence and the break-up of Britain have so far not been proved right.  It had been suggested that the SNP would profit from devolution, as the main opposition to Labour. If the Parliament and devolved government appeared successful, nationalists could argue that further benefits would flow from full independence and more power. If the new arrangements appeared not to be working, nationalists could argue that insufficient power had been delegated to the new Parliament and Scottish government. Yet the 2003 elections marked a setback for the SNP. Its poor result might perhaps be attributed to the less than charismatic leadership of John Swinney, divisions over the pursuit of independence (how far to play down independence as an immediate goal) and other policies.

 

Both the Conservatives and Liberal Democrats ended with unchanged representation - although the Conservatives did manage to win three constituency seats compared with none in 1999. One of the ironies of electoral reform is that the party most opposed to it has done rather well from new electoral systems. The Conservatives had been virtually wiped out in both Scotland and Wales under first past the post, but have been substantial revived through the Additional Member System. The Liberal Democrats despite gaining no seats, emerge relatively more influential within the governing coalition, as Labour is more dependent than ever on their votes.

 

The most significant gains were secured by minor parties and fringe candidates. The Greens, who fought no constituency seats, were rewarded with 7 seats (one in 1999) for their 6.9% of the regional list vote, while the Scottish Socialist Party picked up 6. Four Independents were elected (including the former Labour Dennis Canavan, the dissident former SNP MP Margo MacDonald, and two MSPs representing interests, a hospital supporters group, and the Scottish Senior Citizens Unit.

 

Governing Scotland

Immediately following the election there was some talk of a 'traffic light coalition' of Labour, Liberal Democrats and Greens, but in the event the former governing Labour-Liberal Democrat coalition was re-established, with some changes in posts. The coalition only has 67 seats out of a total of 129, a small majority which could be threatened by rebellions, deaths or defections. One likely consequence of the increased reliance on Liberal Democrat votes is electoral reform in Scottish local government, which could lead to Labour losing overall control of many local councils. It is also likely that policy in Scotland will increasingly diverge from that in England (as it already does on student fees and charges for care of the elderly. Yet that is the logical consequence of devolution

The Scottish Executive, May 2003 

First Minister	Jack McConnell	Labour
Deputy First Minister & Minister for Enterprise & Lifelong Learning	Jim Wallace	Lib Dem
Deputy Minister of Enterprise and Lifelong Learning	Lewis McDonald	Labour
Minister for Justice	Cathy Jamieson	Labour
Deputy Minister for Justice	Hugh Henry	Labour
Minister for Health and Community Care	Malcolm Chisholm  Labour
Deputy Minister for Health and Community Care	Tom McCabe	Labour
Minister for Education and Young People	Peter Peacock	Labour
Deputy Minister for Education and Yong People	Euan Robson	Lib Dem
Minister for Finance and Public Services	Andy Kerr	Labour
Deputy Minister for Finance and Public Services	Tavish Scott	Lib Dem
Minister for the Environment and Rural Development	Ross Finnie	Lib Dem
Deputy Minister for the Environment and Rural Development	Allan Wilson	Labour
Minister for Communities	Margaret Curran	Labour
Deputy Minister for Communities	Mary Mulligan	Labour
Minister for Parliamentary Business	Patricia Ferguson	Labour
Deputy Minister for Parliamentary Business	Tavish Scott	Lib Dem
Minister for Tourism, Culture and Sport	Frank McAveety	Labour
Minister for Transport	Nicol Stephen	Lib Dem

Law Officers 

Lord Advocate	Colin Boyd QC
Solicitor General	Elish Angolini QC

(For previous line up see Coxall, 2003, Box 17.4, p299)

Elections for the Welsh Assembly 

Labour won exactly half the seats for the Welsh Asembly, a gain of two seats compared with 1999. As in Scotland, the big losers were the nationalists (Plaid Cymru) who won only 12 seats compared with 17 in 1999. Their leader, Ieuan Wyn Jones was criticised for a lacklustre campaign and resigned. He perhaps paid the penalty for unrealistic expectations raised by the apparent nationalist breakthrough in 1999, although this had more to do with Labour's problems then than the positive appeal of Plaid Cymru. In 1999 Labour had been weakened and divided, first by the bizarre resignation of Ron Davies, and then by the perceived imposition by London of Alun Michael to replace him (Coxall, 2003, p300). As a consequence the nationalists made surprising inroads into previously strong Labour areas. In May 2003 Labour made a partial recovery, winning back seats like Rhondda and Islwyn, which they had never expected to lose. This explains why Labour in Wales in 2003 appeared to buck the trend of Labour losses in Scotland and English local council elections. 

As in Scotland, the effect of the Additional Member System in boosting the representation of the Conservative Party can be clearly seen. The Conservatives gained two seats to secure eleven altogether, but 10 of these were regional list seats. A reformed electoral system has effectively rescued Conservative fortunes in Wales. The Liberal Democrats retained six seats. One Independent was successful, but otherwise a wide range of minor parties and fringe candidates failed to secure the same level of support as in Scotland.

The Results in Wales 

Party	Constituency seats	Regional list seats	Total (1999 in bracket)
Labour	30	0	30 (28)
Plaid Cymru	5	7	12 (17)
Conservative	1	10	11 (9)
Liberal Democrat	3	3	6 (6)
Independent	1	0	1 (0)

(The 1999 election results can be found in Coxall, 2003, Table 17.4, p301)

 

Governing Wales

With just half the seats in the Welsh Assembly, Labour has resumed single party government after a brief coalition with the Liberal Democrats. The 2003 Welsh Cabinet was thus all Labour. Five out of nine members are female, reflecting the high proportion of women represented in the Welsh Assembly. The party in Wales seems certain to press for more powers for the Assembly and Executive, and there is potential for further clashes with Blair's New Labour.

 

The Welsh Cabinet, May 2003  (all Ministers are Labour)

First Minister	Rhodri Morgan
Minster for Finance, Local Government and Public Services	Sue Essex
Business Minister	Karen Sinclair
Minister for Social Justice and Regeneration	Edwina Hart
Minister for Health and Social Services	Jane Hutt
Minister for Economic Development and Transport	Andrew Davies
Minister for Education and Lifelong Learning	Jane Davidson
Minster for Environment, Planning and Countryside	Carwyn Jones
Minister for Culture, Welsh Language and Sport	Alun Pugh

(For previous line-up see Coxall, 2003, Box 17.6, p301)

The English Question and English Regional Government 

Following the elections of 2003 in Scotland and Wales the break-up of the United Kingdom does not appear imminent, although it could still happen in the long run. However the problem of the asymmetrical devolution within the United Kingdom persists (see Coxall, 2003, pp302-3). The West Lothian question, first raised by the dissident Labour MP Tam Dalyell (see Coxall, 2003, p303) remains unanswered. Indeed Blair's Cabinet reshuffle in 2003 raises more issues. A Scot, John Reid, sitting for a Scottish Parliamentary seat, was put in charge of the National Health Service in England, but not in his own Scotland, where health has been devolved to the Scottish Parliament and Executive.   Another Scot, Alistair Darling is in charge of transport, another policy area which had been devolved.

One possible solution to the 'English question' - an English Parliament - has been rejected. The Labour Government, and John Prescott in particular has pursued instead English regional government (see Coxall, 2003, pages 304-5) Following a consultation process the Deputy Prime Minister announced in June 2003 that referendums would be held on whether the voters of three regions (the North East, the North West, and Yorkshire and Humber) wanted elected regional assemblies. One potential obstacle is a requirement for a simplified one tier system of local government if there is support for regional government.  This could entail the abolition of county government in the regions concerned, an outcome which the counties may be expected to oppose vigorously. Enthusiasm for an elected regional tier of government seems muted, with the possible exception of the North East, where there is a strong campaign in favour.

 

All references are to Bill Coxall, Lynton Robins and Robert Leach: Contemporary British Politics, 4th edition, Palgrave Macmillan 2003.