This book takes a comparative look at constructions where an operator is structurally detached from its noun restrictor. The main concern is the fact that such constructions are more limited than their non-split counterparts: if a scopal element intervenes the resulting sentence is ungrammatical. But why should the relation between the operator and its restriction be so constrained when a non-split alternative gives a well-formed structure? The current consensus is that such effects can be linked to weak island phenomena and thus receive a common analysis. This view is adopted, but with a novel take on the link: it is argued that all constructions exhibiting weak islands are really split constructions.
With this syntactic basis a semantics is motivated that provides an explanation for the cut in the data: ungrammatical structures are shown to yield Logical Form representations that cannot be evaluated. The approach has a wide empirical coverage and a conceptual simplicity.